The role of suitable employment as a shield against poverty hardly needs to be stressed. A secure job is not only a source of income, but also of integration, citizenship and dignity. Despite the high correlation between poverty and race in the USA, W.J. Wilson states that the poverty problem in his country should rather be seen as a labour market problem than a race problem. On the European side as well, there is an increasing awareness that even the most refined social security system can not replace employment as a lever of participation. P. Rosanvallon therefore proposes to combat social exclusion by guaranteeing a 'right to insertion' to every citizen. Both views assign a key role to labour market policy in the fight against social exclusion.

Besides political and philosophical arguments, economic considerations are an obvious dimension of the debate. After a period of rapid growth, welfare expenditures have been cut back more or less severely in most western countries, while employment programmes have been extended as a more efficient strategy to combat poverty in the long run. Welfare is often compared to a trap, with perverse effects on the recipients' potential or willingness to work their way out of poverty. On the one hand, means-tested transfer systems may tend to discourage the acceptance of jobs; on the other hand, all sorts of regulations, controls and sanctions tend to prohibit the unemployed from carrying out alternative activities that might lead them back into employment. Paradoxically, some poor people appear to perceive their unemployment as a more severe straitjacket than work.

What are the differences and common features in welfare-to-work policies between the EU and the US ?

What are the (implicit or explicit) hypotheses of these policies about the needs, aspirations and survival strategies of welfare recipients, and do they correspond to reality ?

What do we know about the problems and successes of active labour market policies for disadvantaged groups ?

How can an optimal balance between social and economic objectives (between social protection and effective re-employment opportunities) be achieved ?

9.30a.m.: Opening address by Mr. J. Peeters, Belgian Secretary of State for Social Integration

9.50a.m.: Prof. R. Blank, North-western University, Member of the President's Council of Economic Advisors: Welfare-to-work programmes in the United States: lessons and perspectives

10.50a.m.: Dr. I. Nicaise, University of Leuven: 'Labour market programmes for the poor in Europe: pitfalls, dilemmas and how to avoid them'

11.20a.m.: coffee break

11.40a.m.: Discussion

12.30: lunch

2.00p.m.: Dr. D. Finn, Univ. of Portsmouth: 'The British New Deal'

2.40p.m.: Mr. Per Kongshøj Madsen, Univ. of Copenhagen: 'The Danish Law on Active Labour Market Policy'

3.20p.m.: coffee break

3.40p.m.: Mr. X. Godinot, International Movement ATD-Fourth World: 'Emerging from forced inactivity: the perspective of people living in poverty'

4.20p.m.: N., a Southern European perspective

5.00p.m.: Discussion

9.30a.m.: Dr. I. Nicaise, Univ. of Leuven and Prof. F. Heylen, Univ. of Ghent: 'The feasibility and expected effects of a guarantee plan for the long-term unemployed in Flanders'

10.10a.m.:N, representative from the Wisconsin State Administration: 'Lessons from the experience of Wisconsin'

11.00a.m.: coffee break

11.20a.m.: Round table I: Other national experiences (Finland: N.; Denmark: Dr. M. Rosholm, Univ. of Aarhus; The Netherlands: Prof. J. de Koning, Netherlands Economic Institute)

12.40: lunch

2.30p.m.: Mr. C. Van Steenbergen, Interlabor Group and Belgian Enterprise Network for Social Cohesion (to be confirmed): 'A company perspective'

3.00p.m.: Round table II: The views of social partners and the voluntary sector (with contributions from the European Centre for Workers Questions, the Belgian Enterprise Network for Social Cohesion, the European Anti-Poverty Network, the European Network of the Unemployed; ?)

4.20p.m.: coffee break

4.40p.m.: conclusions

5.00p.m.: Closing address: Mrs. M. Smet, Belgian Minister of Employment (to be confirmed)

Social programme (visit to 15th Century City Hall) and conference dinner

erfaßt Frauen in politischen Führungspositionen aus allen EU-Mitgliedstaaten sowie Norwegen, Island und Liechtenstein. Sie ist über das Internet abrufbar unter http://www.db-decision.de und enthält Informationen zu

• Politikerinnen in nationalen und regionalen Regierungen, Parlamenten und Ausschüssen,
• Frauen im Europaparlament, der EU-Kommission und ausgewählten EU-Institutionen sowie
• individuelle Daten der Politkerinnen.

Ab 1998 werden Frauen aus dem Finanzwesen (Banken und Versicherungen) einbezogen.

Die Datenbank wird ständig aktualisiert und bietet, insbesondere vor und nach Wahlen, Analysen an. Dazu arbeitet das FrauenComputerZentrumBerlin (FCZB) – http://www.fczb.de – mit Partnerinnen aus allen EU-Mitgliedstaaten zusammen, ab 1998 auch mit Expertinnen aus den EWR-Staaten sowie osteuropäischen Ländern.

© Almut Borggrefe, FCZB FrauenComputerZentrumBerlin

contains information on women in politics from all EU-Member States and Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein. It is published on the Internet – http://www.db-decision.de – and provides data on

• women politicians in national and regional governments, parliaments and committees,
• women in the EU-Parliament, the EU-Commission and selected European institutions and
• individual data of women politicians.

From 1998 on women in the banking and finance sector will be included.

The database is regularly updated and provides analysis of data – especially after elections. The Women’sComputerCentreBerlin (FCZB) – http://www.fczb.de – is collaborating with partners from all EU Member States. Since 1998 also with experts from Norway, Iceland and Liechtenstein as well as countries in Eastern Europe.

© Almut Borggrefe, FCZB FrauenComputerZentrumBerlin

There is much debate on the voluntary and community sector in Europe and the member states of the European Union. This is true especially in regard of their particular role and function within the social field. The respective organisations are important especially as advocates for people in need as well as service providers not least for disadvantaged people and groups. However, the research on and within the so-called third-sector has only recently gained ground. An important step in Ireland had been the foundation of the Association for Voluntary Action Research in Ireland (AVARI). It is an All-Ireland organisation.

• It is an interdisciplinary association of people who are interested in research into voluntary action.
• Its aim and the aim of voluntary action research is the advancement and dissemination of knowledge about the phenomenon of voluntary action and its impact on society in Ireland, North and South.
• AVARI exists to facilitate research and to assist in developing a community of interest among researchers and others interested in the output of the research.

This is the self-presentation as it can be found in the Report of a Research Symposium Voluntary Action in Ireland, North and South, which had been edited Arthur Williamson. The symposium had been held in Trinity College, Dublin on 16^th May 1997 and the report had been published and of 1998.

Not everybody who looks for typical Irish features will be enthusiastic about seeing a van carrying a well known Irish drink and stating the name of the brewery. However, its indeed part of our life here and so there is some good reason to mention it, anyway. There are other features, which give some useful information on the European Union and even the wider frame of the position of the EU in the world. You can find them on the CD-ROM Hello Europe. Youth Guide to Europe and the European Union, which is edited by the European Commission and can be obtained from the national representations in the Member States.

On the one hand the complexity of the issue makes electronic media valuable to impart information on the EU-integration. Thus the CD-ROM contains a lot of information, which is accessible via mouse-click and linked in various ways. Without doubt, especially the links make it possible to get an in a way comprehensive picture. On the other hand, the variety of issues and their order in different divisions make it somewhat confused for getting a quick insight. Furthermore, the information, which is provided is not necessarily the required one. Searching for social policy for example brings up many entries but the information behind is vague – of course, one might say that European Social Policy is so, alike. Nevertheless, possibly one or another user would prefer some more details e.g. on the Social Charter. On the other hand a good recipe for Irish Stew should not be disdained (I didn’t try the one from this CD-ROM – we all have our own and very secret way make it in a traditional way which is handed down from the gnomes to the next generation to the next generation …). Actually, social life is indeed more than social insurance etc.

In any case, it is quite useful to have a closer look – it’s a first step to learn, anyway.

Recently, FERPA (Fédération Européenne des Retraités et des Personnes Agées) [European Federation of Retired and Elderly Persons] made a proposal for a European Day of Action. FERPA is a network of senior trade unionists and closely linked to the European Trade Union Confederation (ETUC) (xyz unterlegter link to http://www.etuc.org/ xyz. The FERPA Steering Committee met in Brussels on February 9^th, 1999 to prepare the proposals.

Following the call by the conference on ‘A Europe fit for our granchildren‘ to stage a Day of Action, the Steering Committee has taken up the folloewing proposals:

The aims are the

• eliminating the democratic deficit by making qualified majority voting the rule for all Council of Ministers‘ decisions, by making co-decision with the EP the rule and by writing fundamental rights into the new Treaty;
• setting the level of minimum resources;
• setting the level of minimum pension;
• guarantee of regular uprating;
• enforcing a right to health care;
• setting up a universal care insurance;
• enforcement and securing public and supplementary pensions;
• right to housing;
• (re-)strengthening mechanisms of solidarity.

To call for action – and to undertake action from the basis – is especially important since the United Nations declared 1999 as International Year of Senior Citizens.

A new journal The European Journal of Social Quality will be published twice a year. It is published under the auspices of Kingston University and in association with the European Foundation on Social Quality, Amsterdam. According to the announcement the aims are:

The Journal will be published by Berghahn Books Ltd.

Now, the Council of Europe provides a website, which provides the full texts of judgements of the European court of Human rights, decisions of the European Commission of Human Rights and human rights resolutions of ther Committee of Ministers. The existing search facilities make the siteeasily accessible. The free service is available in English and French.

Im Rahmen der Politik des ESF und der Beschäftigungsinitiative, wie sie vom Sondergipfel in Luxemburg beschlossen wurde, spielen in der einen oder anderen Form – auch wenn vielfach unter anderem Namen – Konzepte eine Rolle, die in der Bundesrepublik unter dem Nahmen ‘Hilfe zur Arbeit‘ bekannt und im BSHG geregelt sind. Eine umfangreiche und kritische Analyse liegt zu solchen Maßnahmen in der Bundesrepublik mit der Schrift ‘Hilfe zur Arbeit. Analyse der Wirksamkeit öffentlich geförderter Beschäftigung für SozialhilfeempfängerInnen‘ vor. Sie ist veröffentlicht in der Grauen Reihe der Hans Böckler Stiftung und wurde erstellt von Lisa Böckmann-Schewe und Anne Röhrig (Graue Reihe, Neue Folge 131 der Hans Böckler Stiftung; Düsseldorf 1997., 187 Seiten).

Es wird auf die Gefahr hingewiesen, dass sich mit der Umsetzung solcher Maßnahmen die Sozialämter zu ‘Arbeitsämtern für Arme‘ (61) entwickeln. Angesprochen werden die verschiedenen Schwächen der Maßnahmen. Beispielsweise wird auf den teilweise eingesetzten Zwang verweisen, der hiermit verbunden ist; dass Ziel ist in solchen Fällen nicht die Hilfe für die Betroffenen, sondern die Erzielung von Einsparungen bei den Unterstützungsleistungen – eine gravierende Fehlentwicklung nach der Einschätzung der Autorinnen. Es wird beispielsweise auch darauf hingewiesen, dass die Maßnahmen haeufig an den Bedürfnissen von Frauen vorbeigehen und somit eine Integration dieser Betroffenengruppe kaum erreicht werden kann, obwohl – und dies gilt für beide Geschlechtergruppen – davon auszugehen ist, dass eine "starke Eigenmotivation der HilfeempfängerInnen, den Sozialhilfebezug zu überwinden und von staatlicher Förderung unabhängig den Lebensunterhalt zu bestreiten" (50) besteht.

Hingewiesen wird auch darauf, dass die Integration in den Arbeitsmarkt nur ein Ziel unter anderem sein kann. "Zentrale Momente neben dem unmittelbaren Erfolg der beruflichen (Re/)Integration sind für die TeilnehmerInnen von Maßnahmen die Stärkung des Selbstwertgefühls, der Zugewinn an Selbstvertrauen, die Bestätigung von Fähigkeiten und die soziale Integration durch Beschäftigung. Auch wenn eine Maßnahme nicht den Weg in den regulären Arbeitsmarkt eröffnet, ist es für die TeilnehmerInnen beispielsweise ein wichtiges Ergebnis, dass sie ihren Status verändern können. Der – zumindest vorübergehende – Bezug eines eigenen Einkommens und die darauf folgenden Ansprüche aus der Arbeitslosenversicherung sind aus subjektiver Sicht sehr wichtig: Sie bedeuten den Übergang von Alimentierung und sozialer Stigmatisierung hin zu Eigenleistung und gesellschaftlicher Anerkennung. Die Sozialhilfeabhängigkeit bezieht sich in vielen Fällen auf ganze Familien, so dass die durch ‘Hilfe zur Arbeit‘-Maßnahmen erreichte berufliche und soziale Stabilisierung einen größeren Wirkungsradius hat. Diese Ergebnisse der ‘Hilfe zur Arbeit‘ sollten nicht gering geschätzt werden, denn vielfach mobilisiert die Teilnahme auch die verlorengegangenen Selbsthilfepotentiale. Weiterhin sind über ‘Hilfe zur Arbeit‘ der Erhalt sowie ein Aus- und Aufbau von Fähigkeiten möglich, die die Chance auf eine spätere Beschäftigung und Erwerbstätigkeit beinhalten." (59)

In diesem Sinn ist die mehrfache Betonung wichtig, die sich in dem Buch findet: Ausgangspunkt muss die Lage der Betroffenen und ihre Einbeziehung in den Prozess der Entwicklung von Maßnahmen sein.

Glenys Watt: Supporting Employability. Guides to good pracxtice in Employment, Counselling and Guidance. Loughlinstown: European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions; 1998

‘During the Eurocouncel programme, the term ‘counselling‘ was used to include all the following processes:

• information provision (on training and job opportunities, welfare support, labour market programmes);
• guidance (direction on career and vocational options);
• advice (offering a possible solution or course of action);
• counselling (empowering the individual to make decisions).’ (2)

Taking this as point of departure the broschure looks at three issues: The key elements of good practice, evaluating the services and unsing information technology. More general evaluations of the question of the role of counselling and guidance in regard of employability go hand in hand with the discussion of practical issues.

In every case it gets clear that the concept of supporting employability can neither riase expectations to change the situation on the labour market as main front of the battle against unemployment nor can it be put into action as means of blaming the victims. Thus one important single point is that evaluation has to take qualitative aspects into account – important notleast in regard of measures under the heading of ‘support to take up work‘ or the like.

Dies ist der Titel einer Broschüre, die vom Deutschen Gewerkschaftsbund, der Deutschen Angestellten Gewerkschaft, dem deutschen Mieterbund und der Arbeitsgemeinschaft der Verbraucherverbände herausgegeben wurde. Die Breite dieses Kreises lässt eine Vielzahl von praxisnahen Tips erwarten – so verspricht zumindest die Ankündigung. Erhältlich sind die Informationen u.a. bei den DGB-Kreisbüros sowie den Verbraucherberatungen.

Weitere Informationen und Ratgeber in der BRD finden sich hinsichtlich der Einführung des EURO unter folgenden Adressen:

The Starting Line Group is an informal network of non-governmental organisations, semi-official organisations and independent experts. The Group aims at raising awareness on racial discrimination in the member states of the European Union and at promoting legal measures to combat it. It was formed in 1991, by the initiative of the British Commission for Racial Equality, the Dutch National Bureau against Racism and the Churches' Commission for Migrants in Europe. The Group was joined by such national organisations as the Commissioner for Foreigners of the Berlin Senate, the Belgian Centre for Equal Opportunities and against Racism, and European organisations such as Caritas Europa, the European Jewish Information Centre, the Migrants Forum and the European Anti-Poverty Network. Civil servants of the European Commission attend meetings of the Group in a personal capacity.

The need for protection for nationals of member states or non-member states living within the Union has been translated into a concrete proposal for the promotion and harmonization of anti-discrimination legislation throughout the European Union.

This took the form of a Proposal for a Directive (the so-called Starting Line), around which a coalition of NGOs has been formed (the so-called Starting Line Group). The Starting Line received the support of many NGOs and was frequently discussed in political circles on the national and European levels. The European Parliament has endorsed the proposal in two resolutions (PE 177.105 December 1993 and PE 184.353/43 October 1994), explicitly asking the Commission to use the Starting Line proposal as a basis for drawing up a Directive aimed at the harmonisation of various legal measure in the member states to eliminate racial discrimination.

Subsequently, the Group has launched another proposal known as the Starting Point. This is a proposal for an amendment to the Treaty establishing the European Community. By doing so, the Starting Line Group responded to the arguments put forward by governments and European institutions, that there is no basis in the Treaty for European institutions to act on racial discrimination.

The Starting Line Group currently acts as a coordinator at the European level and its aim is to promote the Starting Point in the year before the opening of the Intergovernmental Conference 1996 (IGC 1996). For that purpose the Starting Line Group, together with a designated local organisation, has organised a series of information seminars in most of the capitals of the member states of the European Union. These seminars have resulted in greater awareness of the IGC 1996 and the opportunity it offers to insert an anti-discrimination clause into the Treaty. The Starting Point has also received significant support from the NGO community, and serious consideration is being given to the proposal by European institutions, several governments of the member states, and the Consultative Commission on Racism and Xenophobia.

The national seminars resulted in the creation of an informal network of information exchange on developments in policy making in the field of anti-discrimination, notably with a view to the position taken by the governments viz. the forthcoming Intergovernmental Conference.

The Starting Line Group is not an organisation whose overall goal is the fight against racism in Europe. As individual organisations participating in the Starting Line Group may have this broader goal, the Group restricts itself to the promotion of legal measures against racial and religious discrimination and favours a harmonised approach throughout the Union. The well-functioning network of the different types of organisations participating in the Starting Line Group enables work on both the grass roots and political levels. Academics provide the group with valuable advice.

Due to its composition, and the way in which it functions as a coalition, the group is able to be present at the national and European levels. The Group coordinates actions taken on these levels and provides information to the participating organisations.

Many statements of official European institution on racism and xenophobia are, to a great extent, the result of protracted efforts of the NGO community and coalitions, such as the Starting Line Group. Unfortunately, no concrete measures have been adopted and it would seem that these statements are not committing the member states to acting jointly at European level.

After two years of building up a supportive network, the Starting Line Group wishes to take the next step and use the 1996 Intergovernmental Conference to commit the member states to acting jointly in the fight against racism in Europe. The Group is of the opinion that, by a change in the Treaty, an explicit mandate must be given to the European institutions to that effect.

For the duration of the Intergovernmental Conference, the Starting Line Group aimed at giving special attention to the Italian, Irish and Dutch Presidencies of the Council of Ministers. NGOs in Italy, Ireland and the Netherlands have been informed on developments at the European level and be assisted in presenting their concerns to their own governments. The Starting Line Group has also invite national NGOs to organise national seminars during which the Intergovernmental Conference and NGOs' strategies have been discussed.

The three new member states, namely Austria, Finland and Sweden, have been part of the Starting Line Group's focus, since they have expressed their concern about the current situation concerning the issue of anti-discrimination. NGOs in these countries often lacked information on European policy-making in the field of anti-discrimination and equal treatment, and are less familiar with campaigning on European issues.

After the signature of the Amsterdam Treaty, an anti-discrimination clause has been introduced, due to the constant pressure of origination such as the Starting Line Group. The Starting Line Group immediately convened experts group meetings to redraft its initial proposal for a directive aiming at fighting racism. The new proposal for a directive is called "the New Starting Line", proposal for a draft Council directive concerning the elimination of racial and religious discrimination. This proposal has been officially presented at the British Presidency Conference on racism, in Manchester in June 1998. It already met with great support among the NGO community, and at governmental level this proposal has been widely distributed in the 15 Member States.

The Starting Line Group has been conforted in its choice of proposing a directive to combat racism and xenophobia, when Commissioner Flynn, at the Closing ceremony of the European Year against racism, in December 1997, announced that the Commission would propose a directive to fight racism. The European Commission is regularly informed of the work of the Starting Line Group.

Furthermore, at the request of numerous NGOs, the Starting Line Group is proposing another directive on third country nationals, aiming at harmonising the rights of workers from third countries on the most favourable treatment existing for third country nationals: the EC-Turkey agreement. This request came at the time the European Commission had proposed a Convention on rules of admission of third country nationals to the Member States. The proposal for a community directive on third country nationals does not aim at creating new immigration rights but at reinforcing the rights and the treatment of third country nationals and their legal beneficiaries, and to facilitate their access to employment on the territory of the European Union.

Among people benefiting certain rights because of their status as workers a big distinction is been made between European citizens (called the Community migrant workers) and third country nationals. This proposal tends to reduce the inequalities between these two groups of people. Other inequalities though remain among third country nationals themselves, depending of their nationality and of the signing by their country of origin of association agreements with the European Community. The best example would be the Turkish community enjoying more established rights than other communities because of the EC-Turkey agreement and its interpretation by the European Court of Justice. The benefit of this proposal would be to align rights and treatment of third country national admitted as workers and their legal beneficiaries, on the most favourable existing association agreement. Actually, being realistic, it is quite impossible for the time being, to ask for equal treatment between Community migrant workers and third country nationals, as numerous problems are not yet solved for Community migrant workers and their family.

Nearly 10 million people would benefit such a directive and it is time for the European Union to take responsibility for the numerous people it admits on its territory as workers. The EU benefits from their involvement in the economic activities as well as in social and cultural life of the country of residence and is not granting them with the simple right to be equally treated in term of housing, social security, health and welfare benefits, working conditions, exercise of professional activity as self-employed…

To promote these proposals the Starting Line Group will keep the same successful strategy, campaigning at both national and European level, and at non-governmental and governmental level. The purpose of these proposals remain the same, initiating and provoking the discussion, including and maintaining the issue high on the political agenda.

© Isabel Chopin, Starting Line Group

Address: rue Joseph II, 174,

1000 Brussels

Tel: 00 32 2 2308512 or 2305930, Fax: 00 32 2 2800925

The exact reference for the publication mentioned in the text reads as:

Isabelle Chopin/Jan Niessen (Eds.): Proposals for legislative measures to combat racism and to promote equal rights in the European Union; London: Commission for Racial Equality in co-laboration with the Starting Line Group/Groupe Ligne de Départ, 1998.

Der Paritätische Wohlfahrtsverband Nordrhein-Westfalen führte in Zusammenarbeit mit dem Planerladen e.V., gefördert durch das Ministerium für Arbeit, Soziales und Stadtentwicklung, Kultur und Sport des Landes NRW am 13.November 1977 eine Fachtagung unter dem Titel Migrant/Innen im Stadtteil. Lokale Perspektiven gegen soziale Ausgrenzung und Benachteiligung durch.

Nunmehr ist eine Dokumentation dieser Tagung erschienen.

Hervorgehoben wird zunächst, dass die Problematik durch zumindest zwei grundlegende Aspekte gekennzeichnet ist: Erstens muss geklärt werden, was man unter Integration verstehen will. "Die vorhandenen Auffassungen von Integration weisen entscheidende Unterschiede auf und reichen von Vorstellungen von einer vollständigen Anpassung der Zuwanderergruppe und die hiesige Gesellschaft (‘Assimilation‘) bis hin zu einem Nebeneinander verschiedenster Teilgesellschaften ohne Anspruch der ‘Aufnahmegesellschaft‘, gewisse Wert- und Normsysteme verbindlich vorzugeben (‘Multikulturalismus‘). Zweitens gilt grundsätzlich, dass die Rahmenbedingungen für die Arbeit mit MigrantInnen einschneidend auf zentraler politischer Ebene, als durch die Bundesebene, bestimmt sind.

Dies als Ausgangspunkt nehmend, zeigen die Beiträge der Dokumentation vielfältige Aspekte der Arbeit für und insbesondere mit MigrantInnen auf, die im Bereich der Sozialarbeit und Sozialpädagogik sowie im Bereich einer übergeordneten Kommunalpolitik eine wichtige Rolle zur Verbesserung der Situation spielen können. Dabei geht es sowohl um die unmittelbare Verbesserung der Situation der Betroffenen als auch um die Entspannung des Verhältnisses zwischen unterschiedlichen Bevölkerungsgruppen.

Eurodesk (xyz unterlegter link zu http://europa.eu.int/en/comm/dg22/eurodesk/eurobl.html) is a European network for the dissemination of European Union information and for the provision of telephone enquiry answering services for young people and those who work with them.

Directorate General XXII of the European Commission has supported the piloting of eurodesk and its subsequent development into a European network within the framework of the Youth for Europe programme.

It is concerned with information relevant to the education, training and youth fields, and the involvement of young people in European activities;

eurodesk can provide both European Union information from the European Commission and other European level agencies together with other relevant information from a national level in Member States;

eurodesk processes and summarises European information to make it more easily understood by the target groups.

eurodesk operates telephone inquiry services for enquiries about European union funding or European activities for young people. Using specially developed enquiry answering software, eurodesk staff can offer a fast and accurate answer to an enquiry.

The answer to an enquiry can include:

• Funding Information: EU funding programmes and budgetlines and national funding sources
• Contacts: European and national level organisations to further the enquiry Resources: a listing of relevant publications, books, training packs etc.

eurodesk aims to increase young people's access to EU information;

eurodesk units actively disseminate European information to relevant networks in each country so that the information can be accessed easily by young people and those who work with them.

Contact:

eurodesk Brussels Link

Scotland Europa Centre,

Square de Meeûs, 35,

B-1000 Brussels

Tel: +32.2.5126155

telecopie: +32.2.5126377

An die Vision der Informationsgesellschaft knüpfen sich von Anfang an sowohl große Hoffnungen auf gesellschaftlichen Fortschritt als auch Befürchtungen wachsender sozialer Ungleichheit, Abhängigkeit und Spaltung, wie sie etwa mit dem Schlagwort der "Zweidrittelgesellschaft" zum Ausdruck gebracht werden. Anzeichen einer drohenden Kluft zwischen einer Klasse von "information-rich" und "information-poor" kündigen sich nicht nur in der höchst ungleichen sozialen Struktur der Internet-Nutzung an. Zugleich erheben die vielfach lancierten Initiativen und Programme zur Entfaltung einer Informationsgesellschaft – auf einzelstaatlicher wie supranationaler, insbesondere auf EU-Ebene – einen politischen Gestaltungsanspruch zugunsten wirtschaftlicher ebenso wie sozialer Wohlfahrtssteigerung. Die kürzlich abgeschlossene Studie "Sozial integrative Gestaltung der Informationsgesellschaft" konzentrierte sich auf die vergleichsweise wenig untersuchte soziale Dimension dieser Zielsetzung und entwickelte, von internationalen Strategien und Projektansätzen ausgehend, Handlungsoptionen für Österreichs Politik. Dieser Forschungsauftrag des Bundesministeriums für Wissenschaft und Verkehr war in Kooperation mit der Vereinigung regionaler Telematik-Initiativen in Österreich (APTA) durchgeführt worden und von der Intention getragen, einer möglichen Verstärkung gesellschaftlicher Segmentierung und sozialer Desintegration aufgrund ungleicher Chancen beim Zugang sowie bei der Nutzung neuer Medien, Dienste und Informationsquellen gegenzusteuern.

Das dazu entwickelte Integrationskonzept stützt sich auf einen umfassenden Ansatz: auf einer eher defensiven Ebene wird zum einen auf den Abbau verschiedener Zugangsbarrieren zur Informationsinfrastruktur (soziokulturelle, technische, ökonomische, rechtliche), zum anderen auf diverse Nutzungsbarrieren (mangelnde Medienkompetenz, körperliche Einschränkungen, Angebotsdefizite) abgestellt. Darüber hinaus zielt ein offensives Verständnis sozialer Integration auf das Potential neuer Medien ab, die Teilhabe benachteiligter Gruppen an den sozialen Chancen in wesentlichen Lebensbereichen (Arbeit, Gesundheit, Bildung, Gemeinschaft, Bürgerschaft) aktiv zu befördern bzw. bestehende Benachteiligungen auszugleichen. Dies legt nahe, bei proaktiven Strategien neben der allgemeinen Bevölkerung besonders spezielle Risikogruppen wie Personen mit geringem Einkommen, geringer Bildung oder bestimmten Behinderungen, Arbeitslose, ältere Menschen und Frauen, Bewohner peripherer Regionen, ethnische Minoritäten und soziale Randgruppen zu berücksichtigen.

Die Orientierung an Integrationszielen wurde einerseits in internationalen Politikansätzen – insbesondere in der Entwicklung der telekommunikationsbezogenen Universaldienstpolitik der USA und der EU – untersucht, andererseits in einer breiten Palette von Telematik-Projekten und -Initiativen mit sozial-integrativer Komponente. Ein Vergleich mit dem (vom Projektpartner APTA erhobenen) Stand derartiger Projekte und Initiativen in Österreich weist auf eine bislang nur schwach ausgeprägte Ausrichtung auf spezielle Risikogruppen und eine Konzentration auf einige wenige Bereiche hin: Bildung/Qualifikationsvermittlung, Telearbeit/Regionalentwicklung sowie Stadt- und Regionalinformationssysteme.

Die Analyse legt eine Reihe von Politikvorschlägen für Österreich nahe, die, auf drei Interventionsebenen bezogen, in folgende Richtung gehen:

1. In der Universaldienstpolitik sollten vorhandene Interpretationsspielräume zur Erweiterung der Universaldienste offensiv genutzt und deren finanzielle Absicherung über einen Universaldienstfonds angestrebt werden. Ergänzend dazu sind kurzfristige Einzelmaßnahmen wie z.B. die Errichtung öffentlicher (Online)-Zugangsmöglichkeiten zu elektronischen Informationsdiensten zu treffen. Dabei sollte die Finanzierungsoption als besondere Versorgungsaufgabe mit in Betracht gezogen werden.
2. Im Bereich der Projektförderung der Telematikpolitik sollten neben der Sicherstellung von Infrastukturfunktionen (z. B. laufend aktualisierte Informationsbasis, Verstärkung von Koordination und Kooperation, Evaluation und Qualitätskontrolle) vor allem verschiedene Projektlinien zur Förderung spezieller Risikogruppen (ältere Menschen, Behinderte, Frauen, ethnische Minderheiten, Arbeitslose, Personen mit geringem Einkommen, Bewohner peripherer Regionen und soziale Randgruppen) forciert werden.
3. Notwendige politische und gesetzliche Begleitmaßnahmen betreffen insbesondere die Bereiche Infrastruktur (öffentliche Zugangspunkte), Bildung (Medienkompetenz des Lehrpersonals, neue Medien in der Erwachsenenbildung), Sozialpolitik (behindertengerechte Standards) und Sicherheit (Datenschutz- und –verschlüsselung).

Eine sozial integrative Ausformung der Informationsgesellschaft bedingt einen Konsens darüber, die in den einzelnen Bereichen notwendigen Maßnahmen einzuleiten und die damit verbundenen Kosten auch zu tragen. In einem weiteren Sinn beschränken sich diese zusätzlichen Kosten nicht auf den Bereich Informations- und Kommunikationstechnologie. Da zumindest auf absehbare Zeit ein erheblicher Teil der Bevölkerung auch bei bestem Bemühen nur eingeschränkt an der Informations gesellschaft partizipieren können wird, ist gleichermaßen in die Aufrechterhaltung und den Ausbau von nicht informationstechnisch vermittelten Zugängen zu wohlfahrtsentscheidenden Ressourcen zu investieren.

© Georg Aichholzer und Johann Cas. Institut für Technikfolgen-Abschätzung (ITA). Österreichische Akademie der Wissenschaften, Wien

Institute of Technology Assessment (ITA)

Austrian Academy of Sciences

Postgasse 7/4/309

A-1010 Vienna

Tel.: ++43 1 515 81 - 591

Fax: ++43 1 513 11 45

Email: aich@oeaw.ac.at

Despite the general problems, which are connected with the thus emerging values shifts, changes in working conditions etc. there are some very peculiar issues and uncertainties for people in social positions, which can be characterised as – to say the least – uncertain. If the social meaning of the technological instruments and the social aspects of accessing them are not considered carefully the IS will be another leap in the direction of exclusion. To grasp this issue access must be tackled in a wider understanding – not limited on issues of space and technological knowledge but taking as well socio-cultural questions on board. The Austrian Institute of Technology Assessment looked at some of these challenges in an extensive study, which gives much thought for further work in this field.

For further details contact:

Institute of Technology Assessment (ITA)

Austrian Academy of Sciences

Postgasse 7/4/309

A-1010 Vienna

Tel.: ++43 1 515 81 - 591

Fax: ++43 1 513 11 45

The Council of Europe recently held a meeting with NGOs on its new action programme for children. The programme is now in the process of identifying projects demonstrating good practice in each of the three areas covered by the programme. These are "Children and their environment", "Children and child day" and "Social support systems for children at risk".

© Newesletter of the Brussels’s Office of the Save the Children – January 1999; Issue twentyone; E-mail version

contact: Save the Children. Brussels office

Diana Sutton

Place de Luxembourg 1

B-1050 Brussels

Tel: +32 2 5127851/5124500

Fax: +32 25126673

Women from Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe are finding themselves in conditions of virtual slavery, in the streets and brothels of a large number of European Union (EU) cities. At the same time many children are the victims of sexual abuse and other forms of violence. To prevent violence against women and children, and help its victims, associations from all the EU countries have joined forces, in some cases with their counterparts from East European countries. Forty-nine of their projects are being supported by the European Commission this year, with a total financial contribution of EUR 3.8 million*.

Over a dozen projects deal with violence in the home and in the family. The Leeds Animation Workshop, for example, has teamed up with Irish, German and Austrian organizations to develop an audiovisual method for helping children who witness violence in their own families, as well as their teachers. Two projects, one involving organizations from the UK, France and Italy, and the other from the UK and Austria, concentrate on bringing to light cases of violence, identifying their authors and safeguarding their victims, using computers and the help of the police. The European Women's Lobby is seeking, for its part, to promote the systematic collection of information on violence in the family in the 15-nation EU.

A project submitted by British, German and Swedish associations targets violence against Pakistani women by their families, while another, which brings together bodies from the UK, Italy, Greece and Spain, tackles the problem of men responsible for violence in the home. Domestic slavery in Europe is the object of joint action by associations based in Belgium, France, Italy and Spain.

A dozen projects deal with the sexual abuse of women, children and adolescents, with most of them concentrating on a specific category of victims. A charter of the rights of immigrant women working as servants in homes is being drawn up by European organizations from nine EU countries.

An information and advisory service for refugee women is being set up by British, German and Greek organizations. Adolescents living in institutions will be helped under a project to be implemented jointly by Belgian, Italian and Estonian associations.

Several projects are designed to help women who have been lured into prostitution; others are aimed at immigrants in general. Yet other projects, which bring together Belgian, French, Italian and Albanian associations, are concerned with women from Albania. Another project concentrates on women exploited in the vicinity of military bases. Organizations based in Finland, Sweden and Latvia are tackling prostitution in the Nordic and Baltic countries.

Associations from three EU countries will train social workers in order to facilitate the rehabilitation of children who have been victims of sexual abuse as well as the guilty themselves. A somewhat similar Austro-Portuguese project has set itself the goal of ensuring that children who are the victims of abuse do not become the abusers when they grow up, as happens so often. Another initiative, known as Childnet International, which brings together associations from eight EU countries, plans to improve European coordination in the fight against child pornography on the Internet.

A project involving British, Belgian and Dutch organizations seeks to train persons to look after the mentally handicapped, in order to prevent and combat the sexual abuse to which the latter can be subjected. Several projects deal with the violence directed against certain specific categories of young people and women, including women in cities and the countryside, young homosexuals and gypsy women in prison.

Some of the projects selected by the European Commission make use of the media - the press and radio in particular - to alert the public to the violence inflicted on women and children.

* 1 EUR = UK £0.71 or IR £0.79

Discussion has begun in the Council and European Parliament on the Daphne programme to combat violence against women, children and adolescents. The European Parliament Rapporteur Francisca Benasar Tous MEP has tabled her report to the Women’s Rights Committee. Amongst other things, the report states "Concerning children, a valuable framework for reflection about children’s human rights is given by the UN Convention on the Rights of the Child and the Declaration and plan of action adopted by the World Congress on Sexual Exploitation. However….there is no European policy that specifically addresses children…Daphne is the first EU programme that has children as a target group…we hope this will be the starting point for reflections on an EU agenda for children and children’s rights." The report lists suggestions for priority areas for children for future actions. The suggestions are prevention, rehabilitation of young perpetrators, specific risk groups eg street children, disabled children, children in institutional care, children residing illegally in Europe, adapting judicial practice according to the best interests of the child and the role of the media in child sexual abuse cases.

The Council working group began discussions on Daphne on 19^th January. The Danish delegation asked for an opinion on the legal base, Article 235. Save the Children is concerned that there should be no delay to the adoption of the Daphne programme and the use of any other legal base will delay adoption of the programme. Save the Children has met with the European Women’s Lobby to coordinate lobbying on the adoption of the programme. Save the Children urges members to write to their national Social Affairs Ministries to ask them to support adoption of the Daphne programme in the Council. If you would like more information on this please contact Diana Sutton.

© Save the Children. Brussels office

Diana Sutton

Place de Luxembourg 1

B-1050 Brussels

Tel: +32 2 5127851/5124500

Fax: +32 25126673

The Austrian Presidency recently adopted conclusions following the conference on "Strategy for Europe – Reconciling Family and Work". Among one of the most important was the recognition that children represent the future of society and must therefore be given priority thought and consideration in all EU Legislation and that the 1989 Communication of the Commission on Family Policies needed to be updated.

The Presidency concluded that both women and men have a vital role to play in the family and that legislation and practices in the work place should be adapted and made the following recommendations, an "audit for family and work" which would encourage businesses to adopt a family-oriented human-resources policy introducing new working time models, in-house kindergarten systems, and training schemes in order for employee reintegration into the work place after periods of absence. Recommendations to Member States included providing more accessible child-care facilities, examination of the qualifications of childminders and a review of social security systems and legislation to bring them into line with changes in society.

© Newesletter of the Brussels’s Office of the Save the Children – January 1999; Issue twenty-one; E-mail version

contact: Save the Children. Brussels office

Diana Sutton

Place de Luxembourg 1

B-1050 Brussels

Tel: +32 2 5127851/5124500

Fax: +32 25126673

How to verify the authenticity of papers submitted to them is just one of the many questions to which the immigration authorities and police of European Union (EU) member states must have an answer, in view of the influx of refugees from Africa, Asia and Eastern Europe. Now, thanks to eight projects to be implemented under the EU's Odysseus programme, government officials from several member states will be able to hone their skills in this field.

This is one of the decisions taken since early December, in order to enable Europeans to handle common problems of asylum and immigration more efficiently by working together. The Odysseus programme was adopted by the EU Council of Ministers in 1997. The 5-year programme, funded by the EU, has a total budget of ECU 12 million*.

Some ECU 3 million of this will be devoted to the 49 projects in all selected recently by the European Commission. These projects also provide for the creation of a European network, to enable universities in the different EU countries to share information on the laws which apply to refugees and asylum seekers, and on their legal status. The network will be launched by Belgian, French and Italian universities. At the same time, universities and research centres based in four of the EU's southern member states – Greece, Spain, Italy and Portugal – will study migrant flows from the countries of North Africa and the Near East located on the southern shores of the Mediterranean.

A Danish association to save children, Red Barnet, is tackling a particularly dramatic aspect of the refugee problem: the small children and adolescents who arrive in EU countries, unaccompanied by adults. The project which it is coordinating aims to draw up a policy and list good practices on the ground, thanks to exchanges of officials, visits, training sessions and studies. National administrations and associations from several EU countries will be taking part.

Under another Odysseus project, the Centre for European Studies in the French city of Strasbourg is organizing an exchange programme for government officials. This will allow them to find out, on the spot, the methods used by their opposite numbers from other European countries.

At the same time EU member states are using the new technolgies to share information. The EU Council of Ministers has decided to set up a computerized system in its offices in Brussels for passports, visas and identity cards. The system will be based on a databank containing pictures of false and authentic documents; hence its acronym, FADO (False and Authentic DOcuments). It will immediately notify all national administrations of new documents, and the latest techniques used by forgers, as soon as the police have uncovered them. The Council must still adopt the technical specifications which will ensure that FADO is compatible with existing national systems. The new system will then be launched a year later.

In order to face up to the large numbers of asylum seekers and illegal immigrants, the EU Council of Ministers also decided to set up a special working group, to draw up a common approach to the problem. The group, which will be operational from the beginning of 1999, will start by preparing a list of the principal countries of origin of asylum seekers and illegal immigrants, as well as the main countries they cross before entering the EU. It will then be a question of analyzing, at the European level, the reasons – political or economic, for example – for these migrations. From this starting point, the EU will be able to draw up an action plan for each of the countries in question.

They come from Africa, Eastern Europe and Asia, driven by poverty, war and persecution. As a result, all European Union (EU) countries are facing the same human, economic and political problem of how to receive the refugees. Should the emphasis be on their voluntary return to their countries of origin or on their integration – and how?

The EU has already drawn up principles, taken measures, sometimes on an ad hoc basis. The European Commission has proposed that member states be helped financially to meet their responsibilities towards refugees and asylum seekers, from the moment of their arrival in the EU to their voluntary return or their integration into the EU.

The first of the two complementary proposals deals with the reception of refugees and the voluntary return of some of them. The EU would contribute EUR 15 million* for this purpose. The second proposal is designed to facilitate the integration of those granted refugee status, with the right to remain permanently in the EU. The EU's contribution would come to EUR 14 million over two years.

Member states would be given help with the reception of refugees, so that they can be treated decently while they are in the EU. The aim is to ensure that people seeking protection benefit from a minimul level of social rights in all member states, such as the right to decent living conditions, medical care, education for their children and training for adults. The proposal also provides for legal advice and the help of interpreters, in order to avoid language problems.

Logically, those who stand no chance of being granted refugee status must be encouraged to return home, as their lives are not under threat in their country of origin. The EU budget would help member states to complete the information they already have on the situation in the various countries of origin, provide those who are refused refugee status or asylum with education or training in order to facilitate their voluntary return, and to meet transport costs.

For those granted refugee status and therefore entitled to remain permanently in the EU, the Commission has proposed a programme which would run from this year to the end of next year and would experiment with new methods of integration. Thanks to European networks, EU countries could exchange ideas and information. The EU would also collect statistics as well as other data on the integration of refugees.

Eine lang ausstehende Untersuchung wurde vom Institut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung vorgelegt. Mealnie Kiehl und Heinz Werner legen einige zentrale Daten über "die Arbeitsmarktsituation von EU-Bürgern und Angehörigen von Drittstaaten in der EU" vor und kommen zu dem eindeutigen Ergebnis: "Auch in den EU-Mitgliedstaaten sind Ausländer betreffende Regelungen sehr unterschiedlich, wobei Bürger der EU als Ausländer wegen der Freizügigkeitsregelung eine Sonderstellung genießen. Wie bereits eingangs erwähnt, war eines der wichtigsten Ziele, die die Europäische Union seit ihrer Gründung verfolgt, der Abbau von rechtlichen sowie weiteren institutionellen Beschränkungen der Mobilität von Arbeitskräften. Trotzdem ist Migration innerhalb der EU vergleichsweise gering geblieben." (8) Angehörige dieser Gruppe stehen auf den Arbeitsmärkten zwischen den Inländern und den weitaus schlechter gestellten Angehörigen der sogenannten Drittstaatenangehörigen.

Melanie Kiehl/Heinz Werner: Die Arbeitsmarktsituation von EU-Bürgern und Angehörigen von Drittstaaten in der EU; IAB-werkstattbericht. No. 7/98; Nürnberg: Institut fuer Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung der Bundesanstalt fuer Arbeit, 1998 (kostenpflichtige Veröffentlichung)

Contact: Intsitut für Arbeitsmarkt- und Berufsforschung. Frau Gertraud Endlich. Regensburger Strasse 104. FRG 90478 Nürnberg. Ph.: +49.(0)911.1793025. Telecopie: +49.(0)911.1793258. e-mail: gertraud.endlich@iab.de

Olivier Boucher, a young, unemployed Frenchman, moves to England, where he hopes it will be easier to find work. At the same time he wants to make sure that he will continue to receive unemployment benefits as long as he remains jobless. Jean-Pierre De Smet, a Belgian, has worked for a few years in his country of origin, as well as in Luxembourg and Germany, where he lives at present. He will retire in four years' time, and would like to settle in Spain. But he wants to be sure that his various periods of employment will count towards his pension.

In order to meet the needs of thousands of peripatetic Europeans like Olivier Boucher and Jean-Pierre De Smet, the European Commission recently proposed a regulation that would better guarantee the rights of citizens who move from one country to another.

A European regulation adopted in 1971 sought to guarantee social security benefits to those who moved to another European Union (EU) country in order to work there. Social security in this context covers unemployment, disability and other benefits. The 1971 regulation led member states to coordinate their social security systems, in order to assure the rights of Europeans who move from one country to another. But it did not result in a single European system, for each member state kept its own system. The 1971 regulation has been amended several times over the years. Its application has been extended to fresh categories of people, and to situations which had not been clearly provided for initially. But the regulation has become so complex that even those who must understand and implement it find it very difficult to do so. The various interpretations of the regulation have given rise to numerous disputes, some of which have ended up before the European Court of Justice, which has taken the opportunity to clarify many a complicated situation.

Since 1992 EU heads of state or government have taken the view that the rules for coordinating social security must be simplified. The European Commission has therefore drawn up proposals, and discussed them with the representatives of the member states as well as with social security bodies, workers, employees, the retired and families in general.

With a view to simplification and total clarity, the European Commission has proposed a new regulation to the EU Council of Ministers. It would apply to all persons who are covered by the social security legislation of the various member states, as well as to nationals of third countries who belong to a social security system in any member state. It would cover all sickness benefits – including accidents at work and occupational diseases; maternity, disability and unemployment benefits, as well as old-age and early retirement pensions, and the pensions paid following a death. The new regulation would also cover all family allowances, excluding social assistance.

The proposal is basically concerned to ensure that a person does not lose any of the rights and benefits he or she has already acquired, or is about to acquire in another member state. This also applies to those who are entitled to these benefits as family members.

Under the terms of the Commission's proposal, a person covered by social security in one EU country must be treated, in principle, on the same basis as nationals of the country in question. Thus if the benefits to which the former is entitled depend on the number of months or years of insurance coverage, employment or residence, the periods spent in other EU countries must also be taken into account. In the same way way, benefits cannot be refused, reduced or modified simply because their beneficiary lives in an EU country other than the one in which the organism responible for making the payments is based.

These principles already exist to a large extent, although not in a general, systematic and explicit manner. The risk of discrimination remains, and some Europeans must turn to the courts to have their rights recognized. While the regulation now proposed by the Commission does allow some exceptions, they are clearly set out. And to simplify matters further, it would replace all the social security conventions which certain EU countries have concluded between themselves.

In order to avoid further confusion, and prevent fresh problems, the proposal stipulates that persons covered by social security schemes are subject to the laws of only one EU member state in the matter of benefits, even when their activities and residence are divided between several countries. The draft regulation in fact specifies precisely which national legislation applies in which case.

In general, both employees and the self-employed are subject to the laws of the country in which they work, under the Commission's proposal. Civil servants and others in this category are subject to the laws of the member state which has responsibility for their department. The others come under the jurisdiction, in principle, of the country they live in. A person who works in two or more EU countries is subject to the laws of his or her country of residence, provided much of their work is in that country. If not, they come under the jurisdiction of the member state in which their main employer is based or, if they are self-employed, in which their activities are concentrated.

In addition to the simplification and rationalization of the existing regulation, the Commission's proposal takes into account the changes in social security in recent years. These include the proliferation of early retirement schemes, for example, and the development of private insurance cover.

Once the EU Council of Ministers has adopted the draft regulation, it will apply unchanged in all EU countries. But within a year the Council will also have to adopt another regulation, one describing in detail how the rules and principles contained in the first must be applied.

© EUROFOCUS Weekly No.2/99 18 – 25 January 1999:

So far, so good. The document itself had not been available, yet. Anyway, whatever it concretely states the German Representation of the European Commission announced it as special Christmas present under the heading ‘Just in time for Christmas – The Commission proposes simplified regulations in regard of social securtity systems‘ and so we cannot expect other than good news to come. Indeed, it is urgently required to get regulations, which are both simplified and reaching the complexity of obstacles of free movement. The exigency came – again – to my mind when I recently read a local paper, quoting a Cork Deputy. This local politician called into question a proposal of the Small Firms’ Association in Ireland-Chairperson. The proposal said it would be necessary and useful to allow non-EU nationals to apply for Irish job vacancies. The Deputy pointed on the wave of immigrants, the burden for the Exchequer if they fail to stay employed. Furthermore, he said that it would be necessary to train the nationals to fit into the jobs rather than to give them to people from other countries. There is no doubt that such a training is necessary. However, the conclusion is simply scandalous (to say the least): ‘Give those jobs to our own people.’ (see Southside/Northside News. January 13^th, 1999) It may be that this statement of Mr. Noel O’Flynn is just an extreme, a kind of gaffe. Even if this is the case (which I doubt) the Veill-report (Report of the High Level Panel on the free movement of persons. Presented to the Commission on March 18^th, 1997. Luxembourg 1998) elaborates on the various issues connected with the free movement (in particular of workers). This report stresses that it is not a lack of regulations but mainly a lack of implementation of existing ones. The Commission’s ‘Second report of the European Commission on Citizenship of the Union’, on the other hand, summarises: ‘Citizens still face difficulties when seeking to exercise their rights of free movement and residence. The right to reside in another Member State is still subject to different provisions applicable to different categories of citizens as secondary Community law is made up of two Regulations and nine Directives. Yet a single set of rules which would clarify the existing law and provide for equitable application may not be introduced due to the lack of common legal basis in the EC Treaty.

At present, the only way to re-cast the secondary legislation also to take account of the full implications of the introduction of citizenship of the Union seems to be a revision of Article 8A. From a supplementary legal basis it could be upgraded to a specific legal basis apt to revise the complex body of secondary legislation. This would certainly increase the transparency of Community law, ease implementation measures and increase the citizens' understanding of the rights effectively conferred.’

But the stress of the obstacles and the mention of the gaps in Community law does not translate into an offensive approach to foster free movement (cf. Commission Communication to the European Parliament and the Council on the follow-up to the recommendations of the High-level Panel on the Free Movement of Persons. Brussels, July 1^st, 1998. COM 98-403 fin.). And of course, the reflection of the situation of national of third countries is further somewhat under exposed (cf. Proposal for a Council Regulation EC) amending Regulation (EEC) No 1408/71 as regards its extension to nationals of third countries. Brussels, November 12^th, 1997. COM 97.561): On the one hand, the proposal simply requires the equalisation of the respective groups, i.e. ‘nationals of third countries resident over a long period are recognized as long-term residents. Under the terms of the Commission’s proposal, such persons should enjoy specific rights, on an equal footing with Community citizens, both in the Member State where they are recognized as long-terms residents and in the other Member States.’ (2) On the other hand, the European policies in this field are geared to specific programmes and measures. Actually it is somewhat difficult to decide how far European policies can rest on simple general regulations, leaving the actual measures with the member states or – on the other hand – how far they should intervene on the national level of implementing equalisation policies. What seems problematic, anyway, is the reduction of EU activities on model action – as useful as they may be they can only be an additional feature.

This underlines the results and conclusions of a study which is published by the European Parliament; in the overview-paper it is stated: ‘In recent years, and especially after the entry into force of the TEU, issues falling into the field of free movement of persons, crossing internal and external borders, visas, and immigration, have been the subject of a number of legislative instruments. The European Commission and the Council have continuously adopted documents, papers, communications and other forms of legislation. However, the problem remains: the free movement of persons, although it constitutes one of the main principles of the European Community, is not yet totally and unconditionally applicable. Thjis is mainly due to the fact that the majority of legislative instruments … adopted to implement it, do not bind legally the Member States. Furthermore, some of the binding texts, which would make an essential contribution to the scope of free movement, have not been adopted and/or ratified by some or all of the Member States (Elpida Papahatzi: Free Movement of Persons in the European Union. An Overview; Ed.: Andrea Subhahn, DG for Research. The European Parliament. B-1047 Brussels. Rue Wirtz: 45). Thus, ‘the European Parliament, in its opinion on the Treaty of Amsterdam, has called on the Council to take, as soon as possible, all the necessary measures in order to bring to Community level the areas of free movement, security and justice and to implement incorporation of the Shengen acquis into the Community legal order. Finally, it has called on the governments of the United Kingdom, Ireland and Denmark to participate at an early stage in community measures related to the field of free movement.’ (46)

Old stuff, of course. But unfortunately not really old enough to be forgotten. And we can go further by stating that the main challenge will persist as long as ‘the social’ is only seen as matter of flanking the economic realm. And of course we all know this. However, we should never forget that ‘the social’ in the wider sense will only be reached by tackling just the economic sphere. Social measures and social programmes on their own are important. But they – and their economic correlates – will not be worth a farthing as long as they don’t reach the core of societal contradictions and injustice.

This year employment will rise by more than 3% in Ireland and Portugal, a level that would not have been reached without the aid granted by the European Union (EU) since 1994. In Greece the increase is close to 3%, while in Spain it is over 2%. The corresponding figures for eastern Germany and southern Italy are 1.5% and 1% respectively. This is not simply a matter of statistics, but of jobs for the inhabitants of these countries. These changes are reducing the differences between the various regions of the EU, as the European Commission noted in early January in a report on EU aid to its poorest regions and to the thinly populated Nordic regions.

Just over a decade ago the EU undertook to reduce systematically the differences between its richest regions, on the one hand, and its less prosperous ones on the other. Each year large sums are allocated from the EU budget to help the most disadvantaged regions raise living standards and create more jobs, and thus catch up with the others across a broad front.

The present aid programmes began in 1994, and will close at the end of this year. The regions receiving aid on a priority basis are those whose living standards – as measured by per capita gross domestic product (GDP) – were below 75% of the EU average at the start of the programme. The thinly populated regions of Finland and Sweden also receive EU aid.

Disadvantaged regions are to be found in all EU member states, with two exceptions –Denmark and Luxembourg. The whole of Ireland, Greece and Portugal are treated as a disadvantaged regions, as is most of Spain, along with southern Italy and eastern Germany. In other EU countries, the aid goes to such specific regions as Northern Ireland and Corsica.

Independent experts have estimated this year's achievements on the basis of the results of the aid already granted during the first half of the programme – 1994-1996. They have done this in the case both of employment and GDP. As compared to what would have happened without EU aid, GDP is expected to rise this year by 5% in Spain, 4% in Greece and Portugal, 3% in Ireland and in eastern Germany and 2% in southern Italy.

Much of the EU's aid to its disadvantaged regions is aimed at developing the infrastructure which improves quality of life, attracts additional activities and thus results in higher employment. To this end road networks are being completed, as in Greece, and a motorway linking two important Greek cities, Athens and Salonika, is being built.

In Portugal, nearly three-quarters of the roads and motorways planned for the end of 1999 have already been completed.

In the field of telecommunications, all the disadvantaged regions have been provided with digital telephone exchanges and fibre optic links. Meanwhile energy consumption in Greece, Spain and Portugal has come down, while the construction of gas pipelines has reduced the dependence on petrol.

Improvements to water supplies are a top priority in environmental matters. In Northern Ireland the construction of new installations for the supply of water and the treatment of wastewater has created more than 2,200 jobs. In Greece, half the population now gets its water from new installations.

EU regional aid has encouraged small and medium-sized enterprises (SMEs) everywhere to take on more people. Some 2,200 more jobs than envisaged have been created in the Belgian province of Hainaut and 20,000 in the state of Saxony-Anhalt in the east of Germany. In southern Italy more than 75,000 jobs were created or saved between 1994 and 1996. EU aid has helped with the development of tourism in Ireland and in Saxony, and the reconversion of abandoned industrial sites, as in eastern Germany and northern France.

© EUROFOCUS Weekly No. 3/99 20 January – 1 February 1999

Ipeiros is well below the figure for any other region. Second-lowest are the Portuguese Açores and Greece’s Voreio Aigaio (both 50% of the EU15 average) and Madeira, Portugal (54%).

The 50 below 75% of average include all 13 Greek regions and six of Portugal’s seven. The others are mainly in the new Bundesländer of Germany (nine), Spain (10) and Italy (six, all in the south). There is one in Austria, one in Finland and four in the UK. Over 20% of the EU’s population live in these regions.

In nine of the 12 Member States that have NUTS 2² regions the highest average regional GDP per person in this period was about double the lowest. Examples include Belgium (Brussels 172%, Hainault 81%), Spain (Madrid 100%, Extremadura 55%), Italy (Lombardy 132%, Calabria 59%) and Austria (Vienna 165%, Burgenland 71%).

There were much more pronounced differences in Germany and the UK. In the latter, there were regions with a third of Inner London’s 222%. There was even greater disparity (4:1) between Hamburg and some of former GDR regions of Germany. However, when Inner London is discounted the highest UK figure is the 127% of North-Eastern Scotland, whereas Germany has four regions in addition to Hamburg with very high figures.

Sweden shows a much more balanced picture with no huge difference between the lowest, Östra Mellansverige (91%) and Stockholm (122%).

(The full EUROSTAT press release including the list of the regions is available under http://europa.eu.int/en/comm/eurostat/compres/en/1199/6101199a.htm)

However, the given picture is only part of the picture. Besides and with the regional disparities we find the cleavages in the regions themselves. While the disparities between the regions are tackled by EU social policies with whichever effect the different social status, the diverging income between various social groups are not picked up at all. And as long as all these inequalities persist or even worse are not seen at all things are looking bad for a Social Europe.

NETS ist ein Forschungsverbund zwischen Italien (Rom - Koordination), Spanien (Barcelona) und Deutschland (Bremen) und wird im Rahmen des "Targeted Socio-Economic Research Programme" (TSER) von der Europäischen Kommission gefördert. Laufzeit: Jan. 1998 - Dez. 1999

Erforschung von Beschäftigungspotentialen im "Dritten Sektor" (intermediärer Bereich zwischen Markt, Staat und informellen Netzen) im europäischen Ländervergleich.

Ausgangspunkt ist die Analyse des Ausmaßes und der Bedingungen, unter denen der "Dritte Sektor" Erwerbstätige gegen Entlohnung beschäftigt ("erster Arbeitsmarkt"), schwer vermittelbare Arbeitskräfte qualifiziert und Arbeitslose wieder in ein Beschäftigungsverhältnis zurückbringt ("zweiter Arbeitsmarkt") oder unbezahlte Tätigkeiten auf freiwilliger Basis ermöglicht und organisiert ("Freiwilligenarbeit").

Untersucht wird,

• ob und in welchem Umfang im "Dritten Sektor" tatsächlich bisher nicht erschlossene Beschäftigungsmöglichkeiten vorhanden sind,
• auf welchen Wegen Arbeitsplätze geschaffen werden können bzw. das Problem der Massenarbeitslosigkeit gelöst oder in seinen Auswirkungen gemindert werden kann,
• ob und wie freiwillige Organisationen ihrer besonderen sozial-integrativen Funktion auch künftig zu entsprechen vermögen.

Die ersten Ergebnisse der Befragung von Organisationen des Dritten Sektors in Italien, Spanien und Deutschland wurden bereits auf nationalen Foren im November / Dezember 1998 vorgestellt und diskutiert. Eine abschließende Präsentation der Ergebnisse wird auf einem Forum im Herbst 1999 in Brüssel stattfinden

Stichworte:
Dritter Sektor, Arbeitslosigkeit / Erwerbsarbeit, Freiwilligenarbeit / "Ehrenamt", Arbeitsmarktpolitik; Deutschland, Italien, Spanien

Die folgenden Werkstattberichte sowie die englische Version des Fragebogens können von der Website der italienischen Projektkoordinatoren heruntergeladen werden:

Dort ist auch eine Discussion group eingerichtet, an der sich Interessierte gerne beteiligen können

• Lunaria / University of Rome "La Sapienza" (ed.): Third Sector in Europe - Overview and Analysis, by Antonio Bonetti, Martina Ianizzotto, Leo Nascia, Giulio Ruffo, with contributions by Rudolph Bauer, Sigrid Betzelt, and the Spain team. Rome, March 1998
• University of Bremen, Institute of Local Social Policy and Non-Profit Organistions (ed.): Review of present policies in Germany. Bremen, April 1998
• Lunaria / University of Rome "La Sapienza" (ed.): Review of present policies in Italy. Rome, March 1998
• Fundació Ferrer i Guàrdia (ed.): Review of present policies in Spain. Economic, juridical and labour framework of the third sector in Spain. Barcelona, April 1998

NETS is a research project in collaboration with Italy (Rome), Spain (Barcelona) and Germany (Bremen), promoted by the European Commission in the "Targeted Socio-Economic Research Programme" (TSER). It aims at a comparative analysis of employment opportunities in the Third Sector and of proposals for policies promoting job creation in this sector. NETS runs for two years (1998-1999). The results will be disseminated in national fora in the three countries in autumn 1998 and 1999.

Third sector, unemployment / employment, labour policy; Germany, Italy, Spain

You find publications to download from the website of the Italian project coordinators.(unterlegter link: http://www.lunaria.org/tertium/default.htm xyz)

Huck Finn's wealth and the fact that he was now under the Widow Douglas' protection introduced him into society -- no, dragged him into it, hurled him into it -- and his sufferings were almost more than he could bear. The widow's servants kept him clean and neat, combed and brushed, and they bedded him nightly in unsympathetic sheets that had not one little spot or stain which he could press to his heart and know for a friend. He had to eat with a knife and fork; he had to use napkin, cup, and plate; he had to learn his book, he had to go to church; he had to talk so properly that speech was become insipid in his mouth; whitherso- ever he turned, the bars and shackles of civilization shut him in and bound him hand and foot.

He bravely bore his miseries three weeks, and then one day turned up missing. For forty-eight hours the widow hunted for him everywhere in great distress. The public were profoundly concerned; they searched high and low, they dragged the river for his body. Early the third morning Tom Sawyer wisely went poking among some old empty hogsheads down behind the abandoned slaughter-house, and in one of them he found the refugee. Huck had slept there; he had just breakfasted upon some stolen odds and ends of food, and was lying off, now, in comfort, with his pipe. He was unkempt, uncombed, and clad in the same old ruin of rags that had made him picturesque in the days when he was free and happy. Tom routed him out, told him the trouble he had been causing, and urged him to go home. Huck's face lost its tranquil content, and took a melancholy cast. He said:

"Don't talk about it, Tom. I've tried it, and it don't work; it don't work, Tom. It ain't for me; I ain't used to it. The widder's good to me, and friendly; but I can't stand them ways. She makes me get up just at the same time every morning; she makes me wash, they comb me all to thunder; she won't let me sleep in the woodshed; I got to wear them blamed clothes that just smothers me, Tom; they don't seem to any air git through 'em, somehow; and they're so rotten nice that I can't set down, nor lay down, nor roll around anywher's; I hain't slid on a cellar-door for -- well, it 'pears to be years; I got to go to church and sweat and sweat -- I hate them ornery sermons! I can't ketch a fly in there, I can't chaw. I got to wear shoes all Sunday. The widder eats by a bell; she goes to bed by a bell; she gits up by a bell -- everything's so awful reg'lar a body can't stand it."

"Well, everybody does that way, Huck."

"Tom, it don't make no difference. I ain't everybody, and I can't STAND it. It's awful to be tied up so. And grub comes too easy -- I don't take no interest in vittles, that way. I got to ask to go a-fishing; I got to ask to go in a-swimming -- dern'd if I hain't got to ask to do everything. Well, I'd got to talk so nice it wasn't no comfort -- I'd got to go up in the attic and rip out awhile, every day, to git a taste in my mouth, or I'd a died, Tom. The widder wouldn't let me smoke; she wouldn't let me yell, she wouldn't let me gape, nor stretch, nor scratch, before folks --" [Then with a spasm of special irritation and injury] -- "And dad fetch it, she prayed all the time! I never see such a woman! I HAD to shove, Tom -- I just had to. And besides, that school's going to open, and I'd a had to go to it -- well, I wouldn't stand THAT, Tom. Looky- here, Tom, being rich ain't what it's cracked up to be. It's just worry and worry, and sweat and sweat, and a-wishing you was dead all the time. Now these clothes suits me, and this bar'l suits me, and I ain't ever going to shake 'em any more. Tom, I wouldn't ever got into all this trouble if it hadn't 'a' ben for that money; now you just take my sheer of it along with your'n, and gimme a ten-center sometimes – not many times, becuz I don't give a dern for a thing 'thout it's tollable hard to git -- and you go and beg off for me with the widder."

"Oh, Huck, you know I can't do that. 'Tain't fair; and besides if you'll try this thing just a while longer you'll come to like it."

"Like it! Yes -- the way I'd like a hot stove if I was to set on it long enough. No, Tom, I won't be rich, and I won't live in them cussed smothery houses. I like the woods, and the river, and hogsheads, and I'll stick to 'em, too. Blame it all! just as we'd got guns, and a cave, and all just fixed to rob, here this dern foolishness has got to come up and spile it all!"

(From Mark Twain: The Adventures of Tom Sawyer. Electronic Edition by dell@wiretap.spies.com, Released to the public June 1993: Wiretap/Project Gutenberg Etext of Tom Sawyer, by Mark Twain [Samuel Langhorne Clemens }

It is provocative, of course, to begin a note on a recent publication on Settlement Services for Homeless People in Europe with these words, which we find at the end of the famous stories about this nice guy many of us enjoyed reading in our younger days. Anyway, it came to my mind when I read the valuable brochure on Lessons for Ireland. A report for the Homeless Initiative. It is written by Brian Harvey and had been published in April 1998. The document gives a comprehensive overview on the different legal and socio-political provisions regarding settlement of homeless people in various European countries.

One important overview is summarised in the following notes:

‘* Most services for the homeless in Europe were developed by non-governmental organisations. These evolved in an ad-hoc way, each organisation developing its own approach, profile and ethos, generally without regard to other services. Overall in Europe, over two-thirds of all services are provided by voluntary or non-governmental organisations (NGOs), but in some countries the figure is over 90 %;

* Services concentrate on meeting basic needs, such as food and shelter;

* There is much fragmentation of services. Many provide a small range of services for a defined and delineated target group. Few provide comprehensive services for a wide range of target groups;

* Following the meeting of basic needs, information services are the most wide spread;

* Reintegration services come third as the main area of work in services for the homeless. These are subdivided into training, accommodation and other support services; and

* Lobbying and research activities are a low priority among services for the homeless.’ (10 f.)

A further issue of the document, for many probably a much appreciated by-product will be a brief examination of the context under the heading ‘context: homelessness in Europe’. Here, the author looks at the problem itself and the political take up of the issue.

However, what might be worrying – and this is concerned with social work in general and in the field of housing rather than with the document – is the fact that all these approaches are based on a very specific idea of normality, in a way assuming that there is the ‘one best way of life’. All what is beyond should be rejected and ‘normalised’. And furthermore all these normalisation-approaches are in danger to blame the victims. – It’s just what Tom and Huck are arguing.

The European Institute of Social Services (EISS) has a mandate to disseminate information on a number of social care issues in the EU. The Institute meets this obligation by providing research; information and publications; consultancy and training for those in the social care fields.

EISS is based at the University of Kent at Canterbury as part of the successful Social and Public Policy Department. EISS works closely with leading social care organisations in the UK and throughout Europe, with particularly strong links with Kent, Essex and Suffolk County Councils and Medway Unitary Authority, and the Social Care Initiatives Network (SCIN) in the UK. The aim of this work is to enable these and other organisations and the people they serve to receive the maximum benefit from European integration through sharing practices, know how and expertise.

The Institutes core activities include: project design and management, consultancy and development work, research, training and information services and publications.

Over the years EISS has published several textbooks, newsletters and reports on European social policy, issues, initiatives and information.Recent publications include:

• The Old and the New: Changes in Social Care in Central and Eastern Europe
• An Introduction to Social Services in England and Wales
• Disadvantaged Youth and Community Participation: A European Conference Report
• A Guide for International Exchanges for Elderly People
• Quarterly newsletter - EISS News.

The Old and the New - This publication is edited by Brian Munday, Director of the European Institute and George Lane, the Regeneration Services Manager for Essex County Council Social Services. In the text, writers from ten Central and Eastern European countries (CEE) offer their professional commentary on the transitions and changes they have encountered since the move from communism toward a western style economy and social structure. Past social care systems in the CEE were guaranteed but often of poor quality and all countries are seeking a new system which offers a better service.

EISS offers training to local authorities and other members on the issues relevent to them such as the European Social Fund. Our information service is offered to our member organisations which currently consists of 85 organisations from social services, voluntary organisations, charities, NGOs, and probation.

EISS also offers a yearly seminar to members and non-members. On June 15,1999 the Institute will host a one-day seminar:Social Services in Central and Eastern Europe - In search of good practice, training and the development of service provision. Invited guests include a speaker from the Estonian Ministry of Social Welfare, speaker from the Department for International Development - Eastern Europe and a speaker from the East European Partnership.

The Institute recently begun a new project on participation and local governance. This research based project called, "Participatory Projects and Mainstream Governance," is funded by the European Commission under the initiative, Preparatory Action in the Field of Social Exclusion - DGV and involves partners from the UK, Spain, Ireland and Italy.

The Institute provides a consultancy and training service for organisations throughout Europe. Recent examples of development work include:

Project work - KAPU, Hungary: EISS was involved in the development of this project through formulating an idea for and with the Social Care Initiatives Network (SCIN) then making a bid to LIEN, the EU funded initiative aimed at promoting health and social support for marginalised groups, in this instance, the elderly and young unemployed. SCIN coordinated the project while EISS helped to direct, develop and manage.

KAPU set out to meet the needs of the elderly in the Hungarian community of Bekes by establishing a youth volunteer service. The project required NGOs to work with local authorities. Under communism help or involvement from the voluntary sector or non-state structures was virtually unknown. With the social structure not expanding fast enough to meet the needs of disadvantaged groups, SCIN and EISS stepped in to meet the needs of these two client groups.

Social Welfare Development in Estonia and Lithuania: This work was undertaken through Kent County Council Social Services and EISS. In Estonia the aim of the work was to assess the potential for home services. In Lithuania the government helped to set up a ‘House of Generations.’

EISS develops and manages a variety of transnational projects on behalf of social care organisations and multi-agency networks. Current examples include:

• STEPS Multinational projects sharing good practice in supported transitions from sheltered to open employment for people with disabilities
• Action for Inclusion project developing training and employment opportunities for disadvantaged people by creating social co-operatives, which provide services required by the community
• Evaluation of ARTO Import/Export Agency for goods and services produced by people with disabilities.

EISS continues to expand its membership, develop new projects and research and publish materials relevant to organisations working in the social care fields. Our work is possible due to the active and growing spirit of pan European cooperationa and sharing of good practice.

Some aspects of a more multicultural normative framework are explored through engaging with some North American political theory, the more sociological and ecclectic British perspectives and empirical findings.

I identify the following as the key N. American and British views relevant to this project:

North American Political Philosophy Perspectives

1.Liberals:

1.1 Cultural Neutrality (John Rawls)

1.2 Multicultural Citizenship (Will Kymlicka)

1.3 Cosmopolitanism (Jeremy Waldron)

2. Communitarian/Difference Theorists:

2.1 `Recognition’ (Charles Taylor)

2.2 The Politics of Difference (Iris Marion Young)

Public and private spheres mutually shape each other; hence it is that marginalised groups may want a public order to `recognise’ them. Political equality for minorities must therefore be understood not just in terms of:

This survey suggests that there are two main trends in minority identity formations. One is leading to a loosening of communities, the valuing of hyphenated or hybridic identities and the overcoming of racial divisions through new synthetic cultures. The other is leading to the presence of ethno-religious communities with distinctive practices, relative cohesion and strong group boundaries. These developments suggest two different forms of `recognition’ and therefore an adequate multicultural perspective ought to include both. 

I rebut the claim that the problem lies with the failure in Islam to separate religion and politics. If we distinguish between absolute separation and relative separation we see that mainstream Islam, no less than contemporary W. Europe favours, relative rather than absolute separation. It is true that the status quo in Britain, which gives a privileged position to the Church of England and Christianity is not consistent with multiculturalism, but an alternative to disestablishment is to pluralise the state-religion link or to find other ways for the voices of the minority faiths to be heard.

The feminist anti-communalists do raise some important concerns, which might perhaps be met by requiring that civic organisations that receive public funding or enjoy political representation in the name of multiculturalism should conform to certain standards of democracy and public accountability and should be tolerant of internal dissent and hybridity. Relatedly, it would be important to emphasise that membership of an ethnic or religious community must be a voluntary affair. But it doesn’t follow from this that religious groups must be excluded from political multiculturalism.

The implications of the recognition of religious groups for civic identities are, however, less clear to discern than in the case of hybridic ethnicity. My suggestion is that ethno-religious formations, such as Muslim political assertiveness in Britain, are intrinsically neither friend nor foe to multicultural citizenship and hyphenated nationality. It all depends on how the civic order responds to them and modifies them. To reject them outright on the basis of an alleged definition of Western political culture is neither theoretically nor practically justifiable. What is important is that we eschew the contemporary bias against religious groups when discussing these matters.

In recent months much attention has been given to the question of Ireland’s submission for the next round of EU Structural Funds and in particular to the issue of regionalisation. It is encouraging that during this debate the issue of addressing poverty and social exclusion came very much to the fore. Hopefully this will mean that in Ireland’s submission measures to promote social inclusion will receive a high priority. Also encouraging is the Government’s commitment to address the problems of those ‘blackspot’ areas which fall outside Objective 1 status. However, significant though the issue of Ireland’s next allocation of Structural Funds is, it is important for those concerned about tackling poverty and social exclusion not to loose sight of the wider EU picture of over 57 million people including 13 million children living in poverty.

Over the next six months in the period leading up to the ratification of the Amsterdam Treaty there will be a very real opportunity to put in place a much more active, coherent and integrated strategy to combat poverty and social exclusion. The growth of centre left governments has created a much more promising climate for developing European initiatives to tackle poverty and social exclusion. More importantly the Amsterdam Treaty itself provides a much stronger legal basis for promoting policies and measures to tackle poverty and social exclusion. In particular Article 136 of the Treaty makes the fight against social exclusion one of the objectives of social policy. Article 137 provides a framework for the implementation of this objective. It provides for the adoption of minimum standards designed to promote the integration of persons excluded from the labour market. It also enables the adoption of measures designed to encourage co-operation between Member States in combating social exclusion through improving knowledge, developing exchanges of information and best practices, promoting innovative approaches and evaluating experiences. Article 13 is also relevant as it provides for important possibilities to combat discrimination. The Irish government with its good track record on promoting poverty issues at a European level and with the example of its own National Anti Poverty Strategy is well-placed to play a leading role in supporting those in the Commission who are pressing for a dynamic approach at European level.

What is needed at European level is to press for the adoption of Guidelines on Social Inclusion to sit alongside the recently adopted Employment Guidelines. This would involve setting common objectives for action on tackling poverty by Member States and annual reports to the Council of Ministers, the European Parliament and the Economic and Social Committee. Ultimately the aim should be to set an EU target and timescale for the reduction of poverty. The following suggested ten point agenda for action could be campaigned for over the next six months:

• pressing for a formal declaration by the President of the European Commission and the Council of Ministers that tackling poverty and social exclusion is an integral goal of greater European integration;
• formalising arrangements to produce regular and credible data on poverty and social exclusion across Member States including getting agreement on a suitable range of indicators to measure social exclusion and well-being;
• establishing an Observatory on anti-poverty policies which would work closely with all sectors and would contribute to developing the benchmarking of anti-poverty policies;
• mainstreaming anti-poverty action in the guidelines for the Structural Funds;
• adoption of a mechanism for poverty- proofing all new policies and programmes at a European level;
• putting in place formal arrangements for exchange and learning about anti-poverty policies and programmes involving governments and their officials, social partners and the community and voluntary sector at national, regional and local levels;
• documenting and promoting good practice amongst Member States of integrated and co-ordinated national anti-poverty strategies;
• requiring the Commission to adopt a more systematic and structured dialogue with the community and voluntary sector across the full range of policies and programmes relevant to poverty and inequality;
• documenting local and national examples of social dialogue and partnership between governments, the traditional social partners and the community and voluntary sector and the development of guidelines for such dialogue at EU level;
• developing and launching an EU strategy to promote greater public awareness of poverty and what needs to be done to tackle it with a particular focus on a child poverty public awareness programme

• © Hugh Frazer. Poverty Today Dec. 1998/January 1999. Dublin: Combat Poverty Agency

The experience of such partnerships led to some lively exchanges between delegates, most of whom represented non-governmental organisations (NGOs) in the so-called voluntary or not-for-profit sector. The challenge for many such organisations is how to manage these partnerships successfully in order to achieve the desired results whilst still safeguarding the integrity of their work and approach.

Clearly, not all relationships with the public sector are or need to be partnerships. Partnerships are more than just communication, cooperation or coordination: they imply the formal combination of specific skills and resources. Partnerships may arise, for example, when no party can achieve its goals without a significant degree of support from others.

Partnership should involve a combination of consultation, negotiation and bargaining. Working in partnership means making concessions and adjusting to other working cultures, adopting a consensual problem-solving approach whilst always maintaining a commitment to core values.

Trust and awareness of differences in working habits is essential to good partnership. This especially applies to NGO / public sector partnerships, where differences such as scale of operations, access to resources and so on may be considerable. Several delegates spoke of the need for very careful preparation, allocating sufficient time and resources to the organisation of partnerships and to never forget that partnerships need coordination: they will go nowhere unless "someone is driving the bus".

Public perceptions of the NGO sector, as well as the poor self-image of some over-burdened, under-resourced organisations were discussed. Service providers are not always used to marketing themselves and some organisations have found it difficult to "sell" themselves and their specific expertise, thus undermining their negotiating powers vis à vis other partners. NGOs must adopt a more professional approach to marketing themselves and the special contributions they are making; they should not under-estimate or under-value themselves.

There is increasing reliance on NGOs to provide services on behalf of the public sector. The competition between NGOs that is often created by the public sector tendering for services may lead to problems: undercutting of prices and undermining of services, with de-professionalisation of staff. The NGO sector has already made important progress in terms of organising itself. It must continue to do so at all levels and to develop its distinctive voice in the face of such pressures.

Dick Shannon of the Irish Council of Social Housing, made some especially interesting points about the relationship between NGOs and the public sector: "the NGO sector has an obligation to be open, accountable and transparent. And the State has an obligation to regulate and monitor the NGO sector in the interest of the common good. [...] In relation to partnerships, what voluntary organisations should be trying to safeguard is not so much their independence as the integrity of their work and approach. As well as acknowledging their obligation to be publicly accountable, they should be insisting on having certain rights and freedoms. The freedom to be self-governing, to analyse, to speak out, to campaign for change, to challenge prevailing values, to be counter-cultural."

MC
ENCADRE

The FEANTSA Seminar was hosted by the Viennese umbrella organisation ARGE Wohnplätze für Bürger in Not (Housing for People in Need). The ARGE team coordinates eight service providers and their facilities.

The Supervised Housing Programme developed by ARGE with the City of Vienna is an interesting example of partnership. ARGE members rent apartments providing accommodation with a high degree of support for homeless people. The City of Vienna provides funds for the adaptation and furnishing of the flats, as well as for operational costs. When they are ready, clients are encouraged to move into more permanent housing, owned and managed by the City of Vienna.

Almost one out of every four apartments in Vienna is owned by the City, which is the biggest landlord in the EU. A certain proportion of municipal apartments are allocated to people in special need. Social support is maintained and coordinated with ARGE members. Preventive measures are implemented with regard to managing rent payments and, where appropriate, job counselling is provided.

Throughout the European Union - the word partnership is being used more often. But what does partnership really mean? And are partnerships always the best way of achieving goals? by Robert Aldridge, Scottish Council for Single Homeless

Firstly, it is important to understand the context in which partnerships are developing. Whilst it is dangerous to generalise about trends in social and welfare policy across the European Union, there is a series of factors which are leading towards the development of partnerships in the Member States:

1. The growing recognition that tackling homelessness requires more than simply providing a roof over someone’s head. It also involves linking people into society, and building up networks of support. This approach means that various agencies must be involved in providing training, employment, and social support.
2. The trend in welfare systems to move away from the client group approach towards individually adapted welfare packages based around an individual assessment of needs. Various agencies must become involved in different aspects of the assessment, and in meeting the identified needs.
3. The trend towards providing care "in the community" rather than in institutions. Individual assessments of need are required if home-based care and support is to be successful. This also involves a multi-agency approach.
4. In many countries, the role of local and regional public authorities and statutory bodies is changing. They will often act as the enabler and purchaser of a service, by paying a private or voluntary sector agency (NGO) to provide the service on their behalf, rather than providing the service directly themselves.
5. A general trend towards increasing reliance on the voluntary (NGO) sector to provide a wide variety of services and to lead the way in innovative practice.

The combination of these factors working together, means that partnerships and inter-agency working are likely to become more significant in the future.

There is no single model of partnership which is valid for all services. Partnership is a concept which is constantly evolving, and innovative forms of partnership are emerging all the time. Some are very simple two way partnerships, but there are also more complex models involving several public bodies, several voluntary agencies, some private sector involvement, as well as the input of service users.

There are different perceptions of what is meant by the term partnership. Very often, NGOs believe that partnership is about shared values, common aims and equal participation. But a partnership is not necessarily a partnership of equals. Different partners perform different roles and may have different levels of influence within the partnership. The motivation for entering the partnership may also be different for different partners. It is important therefore for aims, objectives and responsibilities to be agreed during the preparatory phase.

Achieving a partnership agreement can involve a series of compromises by all the partners, who must often change their ways of working. But the results of cooperation can often be greater than the sum of the partners’ contributions. More importantly, the complex needs of individual clients may be addressed more effectively. Various partners with different kinds of experience may be involved, and all can benefit from each other's expertise.

NGOs must ask themselves how far they are prepared to compromise, without abandoning their values, aims and objectives. In Scotland there have been severe restrictions on revenue funding for residential care. In some cases, the result has been that the number of support workers has been reduced. In other cases, staff structures have been rearranged in order to cut the overall salary costs. This can be seen as a ‘de-professionalising’ of the service being offered.

The financial implications of partnerships are not always positive for the NGOs involved. It is essential that all the costs involved in providing services are properly accounted for, including management and administrative costs. A startling figure is that last year Scottish NGOs spent approximately 140 million euros more than they raised in funds, for example by taking money out of reserves. This is obviously a situation which cannot continue indefinitely.

NGOs must take a businesslike approach to partnerships, without losing their essential flexibility. A growing number of partnerships provide excellent services and mutual benefits for all partners involved. They represent a golden opportunity to provide excellent services - in tune with the needs and aspirations of the service users. But they can also be a poisoned chalice - creating frustration, delay and bureaucracy - if they are not handled well. Therefore, NGOs should prepare carefully, and consider all the implications before joining a partnership.

In the framework of the European Employment strategy one goal is the integration of women into the labour market, i.e. the reduction of the overwhelming unemployment rate women are confronted with and the furthermore the increase of their participation rate. There is a connection between the high unemployment rate and low participation rate, of course, insofar the employability of women is to some extent indeed lower than the employability of men: Namely the division of labour in regard of family work is still unfavourable for women. – I am well aware of the problematic concern of the concept of employability, however seen in the way as noted before it is not at all concerned with blaming the victims. Rather it is concerned with accuse the gender relation and it is related to the inauspicious realisation of statutory responsibility in regard of easing the burden on women.

One aspect, which makes it for women difficult or even impossible to take up employment is the fact that traditionally childcare is left in their responsibility.

One way to overcome the obstacle is to influence men, directing them to accept their responsibility – not just a question of psychological steering but as well a question of social regulation and frame-setting in objective terms. A publication by the European Commission, DG V under the title Inventory of projects regarding families and children co-financed by the European Commission from 1993 to 1997, Compiled by Filip van Bourgognie, University of Antwerp (series: Employment & social affairs. Equality between women and men. Luxembourg: Office for Official Publications of the European Communities, 1999) gives the opportunity to learn some of the respective measures and to contact the respective actors all over the EU.

Another way is to foster family-friendly employment for women. The document Taking Account of children and families in the workplace: Promoting public sector action analysis the respective issue by looking at family-friendly employment in the UK and the Highland Council (Scotland), Sweden and Linköping municipality and Norway and the County Governor in Møre and Romsdal. The analysis of the situation is supplemented by a view on the Employees’ experiences and voices. The report clearly shows that differences in the laws and regulations are not just well founded in themselves but an expression of differences in the family and care culture’, the ‘culture of work(-organisation)’ etc. Not least meaning of ‘cultural’ factors is underlined by different patterns in accordance with industrial sectors. The study shows, furthermore, that it is important in regard of the women is not just the being and accessibility of respective public services for childcare; information on the existing services play a crucial role alike, thus measures have to bridge ‘the lack knowledge about such provisions’ (50) – There is a good foundation to realise the objective of public action: ‘In all project centres, it became obvious that employees did not regard their caring responsibilities to their children as ‘work’ only, but that they enjoyed the time together and regarded it as important for their children as well as for themselves.’ (ibid.)

Nevertheless, the report stresses an important issue, which – intentionally – had not been involved in the study: ‘The integration of children’s perspectives in the design of appropriate caring arrangements means that we need to distance ourselves from a view which regards childcare merely as a means to our economic objectives – desirable as they may be. Rather, ensuring the welfare of our children must be adopted as an end in itself.’ (4)

One point is clear, anyway: The necessity of providing childcare facilities and the disregard of children’s needs as end in itself give a strong argument for the extension of EU own social policy. 

Price 10.00 £ Sterling

Ria Puhl/Udo Maas (Hrsg.): Soziale Arbeit in Europa. Organisationsstrukturen, Arbeitsfelder und Methoden im Vergleich. Weinheim/München: Juventa, 1997. 212 Seiten. Br. ISBN 3 7799 0753 4. DM/sFR 29.80. öS 218.00

Soziale Arbeit – dies gilt wohl für die meisten Sozialwissenschaften in Theorie und Praxis – hat es nicht leicht. Einerseits ist zwar jedem zumindest aus der Profession klar, was mit der Wissenschafts- oder Berufsbezeichnung gemeint ist. Andererseits aber lassen sich puritanische Maßstäbe nicht anwenden – immer spielt etwas Kulturwissenschaft, Ökonomie, Geschichte und freilich auch Politik in die Konzeptionsentwicklung und praktische Arbeit mit hinein. Und zu allem Überfluß wird die Situation in der heutigen Zeit – eng mit dieser allgemeinen Problematik verbunden – noch dadurch kompliziert, daß die internationale Dimension eine zunehmende Rolle spielt. Gerade der Integrationsprozeß im Europäischen Raum stellt eine unmittelbare Herausforderung dar. Grenzüberschreitungen für Professionelle werden immer leichter, Erfahrungsaustausch erhält neue Impulse zu dessen praktischen Realisierung und soziale Probleme und Herausforderungen, die im Grunde nie so recht vor nationalstaatlichen Grenzen Halt machten, brechen nun auch die letzten Hemmnisse für eine freie Verbreitung – auch wenn dies in der offiziellen EU-Politik (d.h. vor allem den Festsetzungen durch den Rat) mit ihrer Orientierung auf die vier Grundfreiheiten nicht so recht realisiert wird. Allerdings: auch die Profession selbst tut sich schwer, die zunehmende Herausforderung aufzugreifen, und so sind Kenntnisse und gar Debatten über den state of the art in anderen Ländern doch eher begrenzt. Gute Gründe gibt es hierfür: der Erfahrungsaustausch ist eben doch noch auf nur wenige Personen begrenzt, Sprachgrenzen stellen eine vielfach unüberwindliche Grenze dar, bei der vielfach eine vermeintliche Kenntnis der anderen Sprache eher dazu verleitet, Mißverständnisse zu evozieren als wirklich Einblicke zu ermöglichen.

Dankbar ist die Veröffentlichung des hier vorgestellten Buches aufzunehmen, welches einiges Licht in die Dämmerung zu bringen vermag. Grundsätzlich gilt, daß die Herausgeberin und der Herausgeber sich nicht damit begnügt haben, Texte zu sammeln und zusammenzufügen, sondern in der Auswahl der AutorInnnen und der vorbereitenden Absprache mit ihnen Sorgfalt walten ließen. Zum einen schlägt sich dies darin nieder, daß die sprachlichen Schwierigkeiten gut bewältigt wurden. Sprachkenntnis war nicht reduziert auf das Wissen von translation, sondern umfaßte bei den VerfasserInnen auch das ungeheuer wichtige Element der interpretation – ein Aspekt, der leider so oft bei der Vorlage von Texten aus dem/über das Ausland vernachlässigt wird. Zum anderen folgen die einzelnen Aufsätze einem einheitlichen Gliederungsschema, welches echte Vergleichbarkeit ermöglicht, ohne aber zu einem Reduktionismus auf Formalia zu führen. Leitfragen für die Einzelarbeiten waren:

1. Geschichtliche Entwicklung
2. Grundzüge der sozialpolitischen Gegebenheiten
3. Träger und Organisationsstrukturen
4. Wichtige Arbeitsfelder und ihre Rechtsgrundlagen
5. Methoden und Arbeitsansätze
6. Aktuelle Probleme
7. Berufliche Stellung der Fachkräfte
8. Ausbildung.

Diese Bereiche werden für Italien, Österreich, Frankreich, Spanien, Schweden, die Niederlande, Großbritannien, Finnland und die Schweiz behandelt.

Sicher, manche Beiträge scheinen sich in einzelnen Fragen zu sehr ins Detail zu vertiefen und zu sehr auf aktuelle Fragen zu kaprizieren, während andere wirklich das jeweilige nationale System verstehbar, begreifbar machen – sie gehen mehr auf die historischen Hintergründe und Wirkungsmechanismen ein, die dann aktuelle Entwicklungen viel leichter und vor allem intensiver verstehbar machen. Aber insgesamt ist es gerade letzteres, was den Wert dieses Buches ausmacht, denn es ist eben wichtig, neben dem Blick auf die aktuellen Auseinandersetzungen z.B. in Frankreich eben auch den Hintergrund zu begreifen, der sich zurück verfolgen läßt bis hin zur Revolution, bis hin zum Wechsel von der auf Gnade gegründeten Politik hin zu einer Politik, die soziale Rechte ins Zentrum setzt. Erst wenn sich auf diese Weise auch der besonderen Stellung des französischen Staates nähert, kann man verstehen, worum es bei aktuellen Fragen auch der (Stellung der) Sozialarbeit eigentlich geht. Und wie wichtig sind solche Momente, die vielfach nicht wahrgenommen werden, gerade in Berufen, die unmittelbar und primär mit Menschen zu tun haben – im jeweiligen Lande liegen sie gleichsam im Blut, beim Blick von Außen scheinen sie zu geringfügig, um überhaupt wahrgenommen zu werden. Eine solche Facette, die im Buch behandelt wird, ist die Einordnung der Sozialarbeit in Österreich in ein allgemeines – nicht gerade förderliches – Bewußtseinsklima: Eine "Bereitschaft zur Solidarität mit Notleidenden" (64) konterkariert durch den Umstand, daß "in Österreich die Haltung gegenüber Randgruppen und solchen Menschen, denen in irgendeiner Form Mitverschulden an der eigenen Situation zu Recht oder zu Unrecht angelastet wird, sehr kritisch und manchmal durchaus feindselig." (65) Und diese Haltung, so Wilfing, der Autor dieses Abschnittes über Österreich, wird ins politische übertragen, namentlich gegen das ‚rote Wien‘, das sich durch eine beispielhafte Sozialpolitik (diese ist in Österreich Angelegenheit der Länder) auszeichnet, gerichtet. Ist dieser Zusammenhang schon bedeutsam, um die Lage zu verstehen, so reicht er aber nicht aus, denn die zumindest teilweise ausgleichende Wirkung der allgemein ausgeprägten Kompromißbereitschaft muß eben auch berücksichtigt werden.

Ausgearbeitet werden auch in den einzelnen Beiträgen die unterschiedlichen Trägerstrukturen, die einen Blick auf die verschieden stark ausgeprägte Rolle der einzelnen Akteure ermöglichen. Damit in Zusammenhang wird – teils indirekt – auch das Verständnis über die unterschiedliche Bedeutung der einzelnen Handlungsfelder, in denen die Sozialarbeit zum Zuge kommt oder aber auch unberücksichtigt bleibt. Leider wird in diesem Zusammenhang der Blick auf die Rolle der Gewerkschaften im Gesamtrahmen der Sozialpolitik nur wenig thematisiert. Gleiches gilt für andere Träger, die zwar hinsichtlich ihrer Rolle als Implementeure von Sozialarbeit, nicht aber bezüglich ihrer Rolle im Prozeß des policy making betrachtet werden. Dies hängt wohl mit dem schwierigen Verhältnis zwischen eben Sozialarbeit und Sozialpolitik zusammen – vielleicht ist es wirklich eine eigene Arbeit, diese Zusammenhänge auszuleuchten.

Das Buch ist eine große Hilfe für Jede(n), die/der sich in die Vergleichslandschaft begeben will. Hilfreich sind dabei auch weitere Hinweise, die im Anhang gegeben werden: Adressen, Fachwörterbücher und Fachzeitschriften werden für die einzelnen Länder aufgeführt und ergänzen so die Informationen der Einzelabschnitte mit Ansatzpunkten für die eigene Weiterarbeit. Und Weiterarbeit ist sicherlich erforderlich – nicht nur weil die sozialen Professionen sonst zu leicht eine Entwicklung verschlafen, die sie später kaum mehr einholen können. Weiterarbeit ist auch erforderlich, da trotz der hervorragenden Bearbeitung auch in sprachlich-kultureller Hinsicht viele Zusammenhänge eben weiterer Vergegenwärtigung bedürfen. So wird mit einer nahezu unglaublichen Selbstverständlichkeit im Abschnitt über Frankreich der ‘Staat‘ den ‘Departments‘ gegenübergestellt. Auch wenn beispielsweise im Deutschen insofern bekannt ist, daß auch hier die kommunale und regionale Ebene nur begrenzt in ihrer Staatlichkeit wahrgenommen wird, so ist doch für den westlichen Nachbarn der BRD etwas anderes hiermit verbunden; Kennt man etwas mehr den historischen Hintergrund – Jacobinismus und Zentralismus sind nur zwei Stichworte –, kann man auch die Einstellung der Bevölkerung zum Saat besser verstehen und damit die unterschiedlichen Ebenen eben des Staates, i.e. den Zentralstaat und die Departments, besser verstehen.

Die Einarbeitung in solche Fragestellungen, der Blick über die nationalen Grenzen hinweg ist primär freilich für jene von Bedeutung, die sich auf die internationale Ebene beziehen, sei es, daß sie unmittelbar Praxisaustausch anstreben, sei es, daß sie selbst die Arbeit in einem anderen Land aufnehmen oder in der Ausbildung fördern wollen. Allerdings ist die Arbeit auch unabhängig von solchen Ambitionen interessant, denn die Auseinandersetzung mit den Bedingungen in anderen Ländern fördert auch die Reflection der eigenen Situation und ihrer Bedingungen und intensiviert sie in ungemeinem Maß.